11
It is interesting to note that Américo Castro posits
Carrizales's similar utterance, «mas no se
puede prevenir con diligencia humana el castigo que la voluntad divina quiere
dar a los que en ella no ponen del todo en todo sus deseos y
esperanzas...»
(Celoso,
133), as emerging instead from a «viva
tradición islámica»
.
Hacia Cervantes, 445. What is culturally
significant, however, is how meaning is produced through translation /
publication strategies. In the Italian version, Straparola ends his fairy tale
simply, with the victory of Galeotto and the conventional «they lived
happily ever after» of the king and queen: «Ed in quel-l'ora fece spianar la torre, e pose la moglie in
libertá, con la quale allegramente visse; e Galeotto, nel fatto d'arme
vittorioso, con le sue merci a casa fece ritorno»
.
Le piacevoli notti, 100. In the French
and English versions, however, shame / honor prescriptions are added to the
original thereby producing new and gendered meaning. As Leocadia's father had
advised her that «es mejor la deshonra que se
ignora que la honra que está puesta en opinión de las
gentes»
(«La fuerza de la sangre»,
79), so do the listeners react in the frame story of the English and
French versions. They are delighted with the tale, but «were much
astonished that the queen should have been led to bring to light so easily her
hidden fault, holding that she would have done better to suffer death a
thousand-fold than to take upon herself such a scandalous disgrace»
.
The Facetious Nights, 200-201;
«la compagnie, qui s'esbahissoit assez comme la
royne avoit esté si simple de descouvrir si légèrement son
fait, attendu qu'elle se devoit plustôt offrir à la mercy de mille
morts, qu'encourir un blasme tant scandaleux...»
. Les facetieuses nuits, 176.
12
George Cirot's work on El celoso extremeño is still essential for the study of the sources of both El celoso and the entremés of El viejo celoso. See Works Cited.
13
«El celoso extremeño», p. 100. I will be referring throughout to the Novelas Ejemplares, ed. Harry Sieber (Mexico: Cátedra, 1988), II: 99-135. References will be to Celoso with page numbers in parenthesis in the text.
14
Kaplan, 119. It is because Carrizales senses the imminence of
death that he wants to leave his wealth to a wife «después de sus días»
, and
rationalizes that in marriage «el gusto alarga
la vida»
(Celoso,
102). Psychologists have pointed out that, «A man who is driven
by a perverse fantasy is terrified of open, ambiguous spaces... He prizes
strong, upright, sturdy structures that inspire in him feats of daring and
prowess»
(Kaplan, 74).
15
Juan de la Cerda, Libro intitulado vida politica de todos los estados de mujeres (1599); Juan de Soto, Obligaciones de todos los estados y oficios (1617); Fray Luis de León, La perfecta casada (158, 154). All quotes come from Alison Weber, «Pentimento: The Parodic Text of La Gitanilla», pp. 61-62, 67.
16
For
virotes, the young blades who
threatened secular and ecclesiastical authority, see Mary Elizabeth Perry,
Crime and Society in Early Modern
Seville, pp. 155-157. Women often manipulated the image of the
woman-easily deceived to their advantage (Davis, 68), and used their
«natural» weakness as a
weapon against patriarchy. One of the most renowned instances of this is the
case of the adulterous wife, Bertrande de Rols, in the celebrated
sixteenth-century story of Martin Guerre. The clever Bertrande, who lived with
the imposter Arnaud du Tilh (Pansette) for over three years as his wife, was
not prosecuted for fraud or for adultery because «the judges agreed to
accept her good faith; the female sex was, after all, fragile»
(Davis, 90).
17
Especially pertinent to the myriad interpretations El celoso extremeño has elicited, is Eco's emphasis on the ambiguities that must necessarily arise from a work of art because of the differences in sensibility, education, cultural background, and intelligence of readers. Opera aperta. 7th edition. Milano: Bompiani, 1989. First published in 1962.
18
Cotarelo y Valledor (261-3), Hegyi (54, 82, 92, 170), plus others, claim it reflects Cervantes's participation in a «secret mission» to Oran in 1581.
19
«Non possono soffrire gli
uomini d'esser ingannati in quelle cose ch'o per se medesmi sanno, o per certa
relazione de' padri e de gli avi ne sono informati»
(Discorsi dell'arte poetica e del poema eroico,
10).
20
Zimic examines the readerly aspects of El gallardo. Exploring the reception of Cervantes's entremeses, Spadaccini has proposed they were intended to be perused rather than performed.