191
P. 1736. Cf. also Halma's comment: «La extrema humildad, ¿no se da la mano con el orgullo? (Halma, p. 1817).
192
Cf. the exorbitant, and decidedly literary, terms with which he first threatens and then pardons the criminals who assault him («que si yo pudiera, a costa de mi vida, conseguir ahora vuestro arrepentimiento, sufriría gozoso los más horribles martirios, el oprobio y la muerte» [p. 1758]).
193
Hans Hinterhäuser, in Los episodios nacionales de Benito Pérez Galdós (Madrid, 1963), p. 371, believes that at this point Galdós had evolved from a classic conservative liberalism to a sentimental socialism. Vicente Llorens -«Galdós y la burguesía», Anales Galdosianos, 3 (1968), 54- has noted the change in Galdós' attitude toward the bourgeoisie from 1879, when they were presented in a highly favorable manner in Los apostólicos. Llorens observes that in Cánovas they are censured for being «míseros de levita y chistera». Clara Lida believes that in 1912 Galdós' passion for the middle class was quite weak and that he was returning to one of the basic principles of Liberalism; the attempt to find the solution in regeneration. See Clara Lida, «Galdós y Los episodios nacionales: una historia del liberalismo español», Anales Galdosianos, 3 (1968), 70, 73.
194
Benito Pérez Galdós, Santa Juana de Castilla, Obras completas (Madrid: Aguilar, 1961), VI, 1327-28. Subsequent quotations from the play will be from this edition with page numbers given in text.
195
For an important study of the uprisings, see H. L. Seaver, The Great Revolt in Castile: A study of the Comunero Movement (Cambridge, Mass., 1928).
196
Benito Pérez Galdós, «Prólogo a José M.ª Salaverría, Vieja España», (Madrid, 1907), in William H. Shoemaker, Los prólogos de Galdós (Mexico, 1962), pp. 96-97.
197
5 By the seventeenth century the continuation of Isabella's policies by subsequent kings had all but smothered secular life. The situation was perhaps described best by Américo Castro: «El Imperio español era una institución religiosa; el horizonte de las inteligencias era totalmente religioso, y frente a él se sentía vivir la persona encerrada en sí misma, en apartado hermetismo, con plena conciencia, al mismo tiempo, de que la vida religiosa asfixiaba la vida secular -una vida secular que nadie concibió en España como válida en sí misma, como una organización racional y razonable de estímulos humanos». (La realidad histórica de España, Mexico, 1954, p. 616).
198
Carlos Blanco Aguinaga, in Juventud del 98 (Madrid, 1970), p. 8, sees Spain separating itself from Europe -the beginning of what is called «el problema de España»- toward the end of the sixteenth century. Blanco blames the policy of Felipe III: «Debido a esta oposición o rechazo del nuevo mundo que emerge allende de los Pirineos especialmente evidente después de los reveses militares y diplomáticos de fines del XVI, España acaba por negarse a participar en la historia de Europa». I believe, however, that the earlier trauma produced by the rising of the Comuneros must also be taken into account as a major factor. In the rest of Western Europe there was an interest shown in the cause of the communes by the ruling monarchs because it was in their interests to aid the enemies of high feudalism. See Henri Pirenne, Medieval Cities (1925; rpt. Garden City, N.J.: Doubleday Anchor Books, n.d.), pp. 128-29. While covering the Spanish Revolution of 1854 for the New York Herald, Karl Marx wrote in his dispatch of Sept. 9, 1854, that the only serious revolution in Spanish history prior to 1854 was the rising of the Comunidades in the time of Charles V. He also observed that «la oposición a la camarilla flamenca era la superficie del movimiento, pero en el fondo se trataba de la defensa de las libertades de la España medieval frente a las ingerencias del absolutismo moderno», See Karl Marx, La revolución española, Spanish trans. (Moscow, n.d.), p. 7.
199
Letter of January 5, 1523, in Jos6 Chapiro, Erasmus and Our Struggle for Peace (Boston, 1950), p. 105.
200
An example of the uncertainty of the life of the mind occurred in 1559, just four years after the action of Santa Juana de Castilla. In that year Bartolomé de Carranza, Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, was removed from his office to spend some seventeen years in prison. He was charged with having supported justification by faith and having corresponded with Juan de Valdés. The real cause of his imprisonment may have stemmed from political stands he took against the Emperor at the Council of Trent. Since the members of the Spanish Inquisition were appointed by the Crown, it was easily used for the Crown's own ends. For the role of Charles V in the persecution of heretics after his abdication, see Henry C. Lea, History of the Inquisition in Spain (New York, 1906), IV, 431 ff.